A Panoramic Overview of Candidacy

By Fahed Khitan

تم نشره في Sat 20 August / Aug 2016. 11:00 PM
  • Fahed Khitan

The lists carried no mentionable surprises; neither in regards to names nor alliances. If any, the only surprise is in the fact some of the prominent named decided not to run last minute; either because they couldn’t form lists, alliances, or simply because they were afraid they’d lose.

The total number of lists registered, by Thursday, was within the expected range. If it were any larger it would’ve prefaced claims that interference is possible.

Overall, 165 former Representative MPs have run, out of which 95 were members of the last Parliament, according to “Al Ghad” statistic by colleague Jihad Mansi, which only means that the majority of the 1,293 candidates are running for the first time.

This is positively optimistic; it implies the possibility that the parliamentary elite maybe renewed, and that youth may finally break the trend in political parliamentary life. But looking into the structures of these blocs, and the social, political backgrounds of these candidates, anticipating results remains a little out of hand.

Obviously, most of the lists contain stuffings that; for considerations imposed by the new law, tilt against the quality of candidates, save for a limited bundle of lists. This would box rivalry over the Parliament’s 130 Representative House seats among the tougher lot of candidates, and organised political powers and parties that seek to formulate formidable blocs in parliament.

And if, at all, we may anticipate anything, one would see the real competition including no more than roughly 300 of them.

Perhaps narrowing down candidate rivalry would enhance parliamentary performance; those who lead these lists are, mostly, armed with previous expertise in Parliament, work, and public service.

The Islamic Action Front advanced with the largest electoral list, across 19 circuits. And despite the party’s advantageous ability to aggregate proponents, compared to competitors, this will not change the reality, looking to the nature of the standing system, that the parliamentary system is relative; proportionate, and this is going to apply on the Front’s candidates as it would for other runners. With over 100 candidates, they Front; with nearly one third of the competitive momentum, has a strong chance of winning. And in some of the circuits, where the party has candidate in more than one list, runners of the same party will compete together, especially across Amman’s first, second, and third circuits.

 But what is interesting is that the Party has decided to drop the south, with exception a symbolic list in Aqaba, with not much to say for itself.

225 women are running, but not many of them have a really to win competitively, particularly in some of the Capital’s and Zarqa’s circuits. Save for that, competition among women will probably be limited to quota seats.

Leftist and pan-Arabist parties will be among the first absentees in the new parliament, except for a very limited number of them whom have run individually in some circuits, with little chance to actually landing a seat in Parliament.

The “registered” Muslim Brotherhood Society, and Zamzam, which has only recently been established, are running in separate lists, with a chance to score limited representation in Parliament; much smaller than that of the Islamic Action Front.

The major absentee in the upcoming elections, among the spectrum of Political Islamic currents, is the Islamic Centre party; once a fierce contender in the last elections, with a Representative bloc.

All in all, it seems the upcoming parliament will reflect the reality of our society.

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