What Choice Do We Have?!

By Mohammad Aburumman

تم نشره في Mon 5 December / Dec 2016. 07:07 PM
  • Mohammad Aburumman

There is an important and recent awareness in objective international reports on the sustaining security for the next phase in the Arab World, as opposed to collapse, fragmentation, chaos, and civil war.

First, one report by researcher Tamara Hoffman, of the Brookings Institution, talks about three rising trends in Middle East governments; first, the frail democracy, like Tunisia; second, is the extremist Daeshi trend; and third, is the reproduction of authoritarianism, i.g. Egypt. Hoffman also sees that the main drives of the “Arab Spring” revolts in 2011 crystallise fundamentally in a crisis of distrust between regimes, societies, and peoples.

 Even though several States have falling into civil war, most of the remaining states are not immune to that possibility, or any other possibility. Therefore, the future of the region depends on the quality, form, effectiveness, and efficiency of government in Arab countries. And in this context, the liberal democratic system is the most promising of systems to attaining popular demands. Whereas should these states fail to develop their systems, they will grow more and more susceptible to threat in time.

Similarly, the Arab Human Development Report, released in Beirut some days ago, is focused on Arab youth; with an outlook similar to Hoffman’s, which says that addressing the ticking crisis of Arab youth depends practically on the reconstruction of a new social contract that insures an utterly different political, service, and economic environment from the status quo.

In another recent report, conducted by a strategic study group, presided by each of democratic former US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, and former republican Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Stephen Hadley, titled the “Albright- Hadley” report, recommends thorough reforms across the states of the Arab World and the reconstruction of a modern social contract that institutes accountability and integrates social segments in the public sphere, reinforcing the civil institution and puts an end to the festering issues of corruption, with the priority of governance foremost for security.

This particular report says: “the choice is clear: create a foundation for a new order of political legitimacy, or succumb to unending crisis, instability, and terrorism. Either empower citizens or watch power devolve into the hands of criminals and terrorists.”

More or less, the World Bank (WB)’s view on the region’s future does not vary much; the WB’s new directions comprise in tying financial and economic reformation programmes to governance, administrative, and political reforms, entailing the formulation of a new social contract and order, for the region, after their specialists concluded that the overall instability, economic and financial crises, is bound in root to the absence and shortcoming, at best, of political reforms and governance. Hence, it is impossible to address financial and economic challenges without inducing fundamental reforms into the heart of the Arab social contract.

Just as well, in the last report by the National Centre for Human Rights, there is a crucial section on the problematics of the relationship between sustaining Human Rights and safeguarding them on one side, and countering terrorism and preserving security on the other. This report highlights important benchmarks and constraints to rectifying the derailed relationship; liberty and democracy, in the end, are the effective weapon in countering terrorism, and the integration of youth in public life and pacifist activities.

To conclude; all these reports, recommendations, and visions by local, regional, and international reports, be it economic, political, developmental, or rights-oriented, collectively confirm that fundamental and thorough reforms in political superstructures are the main factors of stability, security, and foresight beyond the unfolding catastrophe.