Arab emergency

تم نشره في Sun 26 October / Oct 2014. 07:07 PM

By Ayman Safadi

The Arab world is facing intellectual and social collapse that is threatening to take it back to the pre-state era, tearing it apart and creating chaotic spaces dominated areas by ignorance, underdevelopment, and conflicts of identity.

The signs of this collapse are seen in the destruction of Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya. It grows in a non-community, feeding on feelings of marginalization, oppression, and need, and benefits from the intellectual vacuum that has left the scene for ignorance and distorted ideologies to sanction the minds of the young people, and turn them into human bombs targeting Arabs present and future.

But the Arab reaction to this threat comes small, shy, and distracted. Militarily, intellectually, and politically, the Arab world faces the challenge of deterioration of their world to the pre-civilization stage through tactical methodologies that lacked commitment and vision imposed by the gravity of the moment.

No comprehensive evaluation of the challenge, nor enough work to consent to a strategies to stop the collapse and defeat the forces of ignorance, which is rooted in decades of misery created by the failure of social and political environments.

These shortcomings are reflected in the way extremist gangs in Syria and Iraq are dealt with. Arabs chose to bury their heads in the sand while the Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic State crept to the Syrian revolution against the injustices of Bashar al-Assad. Over a couple of years, about 12 thousand extremists imposed their terrorism on about 40 percent of Syria, becoming a threat that reached Iraq and stares at the entire eastern Arab areas.

After the threat began to materialize, the Arabs waited for the United States to launch an international coalition that would weaken IS, but will not put an end the thoughts it produces. Rather than taking the initiative with a comprehensive action plan to face terrorism and its causes militarily and intellectually, socially and economically, they joined a plan drafted by the USA, tailored to its understanding of the crisis, and according to their interests and calculations.

As such, this plan lacks the political awareness that builds a community receptive to it. The coalition limited its objectives to fighting IS, and did not try to find a more comprehensive solution to stop other gangs such as the Syrian regime and the sectarian militias in Iraq, Yemen.

This murderous failure limited the coalition to the frame of sectarian fears, made it look like, at least in the eyes of the victims of the crises, it only moves to serve America's interests, not as an international effort to protect them.

After weeks of the coalition’s air campaign on IS terrorists in Syria and Iraq, the pre-existing conviction that the campaign will not settle the battle was reaffirmed, and that fragility of the political component in the coalition’s work plan will lose it the popular acceptance, and will facilitate the task of IS incubators in destroying its credibility and mobilizing rejection for it, let alone fears of its motives.

 For that, recalibration that will end with the Arab’s adopting a war against terrorism as their war that is targeted against terrorism militarily, politically, and intellectually is necessary.

Victory needs ground forces that Arabs can provide. It also requires a political initiative that imposes a solution to stop tearing Syria and a popular movement that contributes to ensuring the soverneigty of an Iraqi inclusive-law that puts an end to exclusionary policies and their consequences, and to restore to the Sunni’s in Iraq their role as a partner in the leadership of their homeland.

The collapse will increase if the Arab work remains incapacitated. Activating this role does not require a miracle; it requires an admission of the failure of the current action methodologies and replacing them with military work to defeat the terrorist forces and a broader political initiative that finds prospects for a comprehensive solution in the areas of smoldering crises.

Again, the war against IS is our fight that is resolved on the ground using all available military air and ground force. And the war against ignorance, backwardness, and extremism is also our war that we fight with enlightening, progressive efforts that address the political isolation and intellectual stagnation.

The governments can prepare the necessary military forces to defeat IS and their counterparts. The governments and social forces bear a shared responsibility in addressing the collapse of civilization in the face of obscurantist thought and social oppression, economic and political distortions.

Egypt declared a state of emergency in Sinai to counter terrorists. This situation must be declared in all Arab countries to confront terrorism, and to address the cultural and political stalemate that’s been produced.



This article is an edited translation from the Arabic edition.