To Prevent a Setback!

By: fahed Khitan

تم نشره في Mon 11 April / Apr 2016. 11:00 PM
  • فهد الخيطان

The political elite are drained in endless debate on the timeline for the next parliamentary elections, and the appropriate time to dissolve Parliament as well as Nsoor’s government. The latter topics are of more interest due to accounts known to all; to the point that some propose extending the term of Parliament and dismantling Nsoor’s government as soon as possible, hoping they would be appointed in the new government.

Yes, the electoral schedule is important, no doubt; but what is more important is the electoral agenda and the contents of the electoral process.

Mindful that the coming elections are the final product of the political reformation process, inaugurated with a bundle of new and developed legislation —compared to current frameworks; parliamentary and municipal election laws, and new regulations for decentralisation and political parties; it would be a major setback were these reforms —or reformation leaps, to fail in securing the anticipated enhancements in the structure of state legislative and executive bodies and institutions.

The Jordanian State affords now no margin for manoeuvre, they are obliged to meet an inevitable proclamation; that is to renew the people in office, and particularly Parliament. Honestly, we are in a pitiful situation; one that requires thorough political processes to reproduce a new generation of parliamentary and executive leaderships, with the capacity, proficiency, integrity, and faith in the concepts and measures of modernity that are necessary to reform the Country’s institutions and develop their approaches and methods.

What should the next Parliament look like?

Posing such a question does not incur any distortion to the integrity of the electoral process, nor does it interfere with the business of the Independent Elections Commission (IEC). This is a purely political question that spurs from the vantage point of the State’s higher interests. Answering it, more so, is up to the Country’s political administration, rather than electoral.

In every elections season, we promoted a naive “the parliament we want” slogan, advertising the specifications of the needed representative, leaving it to the public’s choice of relatives or influential, capital owner to fit into the predisposed mould.

State institutions were, not once, ever held accountable for orchestrating the electoral process to their advantage. Whenever they interfered, catastrophic measures were taken to manipulate polls and votes. In other words, elections were rigged.

To prevent a setback, there should be a clear, absolute separation —a distinction— between the electoral process itself, its components and functions, as tasks exclusive to the IEC, and rig-proof, on one hand, and the State’s need for a political process that gives qualified and proficient experts a fair match to sit at the Lower House of Parliament. This can be attained through the proposition of a pre-architected vision with disclosed and valid objectives and goals, to retain the progress of democratisation and facilitate the transition to parliamentary governance.

In all the parliamentary sessions since 1989, the State had always retained the majority bloc regardless of the electoral framework. Not a single government was removed under the 89 dome formation —and they are considered the most opposing formation yet. The problem was in the kind of “loyalism” present, its quality, proficiency, and moral ground; which needs to be seriously considered in the coming elections.

Jordanian opposition, in its general line, is integrated in State dynamics and are within constitutional boundaries. The kind of opposition that whistles out of constitutional tune no longer exists.

Regional developments have granted Jordan a blissful chance to rearrange our house in the way that suits the Country’s interests; this opportunity must not be forfeited by pushing off the next parliamentary elections.