Not A Revolution!

By: Mohammad Aburumman

تم نشره في Tue 17 May / May 2016. 11:38 PM
  • Mohammad Aburumman

Over the past few days, hundreds have been injured among Syrian armed factions in the Damascus Schwing (Ghouta), due to intensified confrontation between the Nusra front on one side (“Jaish al Rahman” and the “Fastat” Legion), and “Jaish al Islam”  on the other.

Some friends within the opposition post on their social media profiles (Facebook particularly), visual and audio records of arguments between these factions. In a particular record I had listened to; one named “Abu Ahmad Ordoni”, of the Nusra front “Sharia Officials”, alongside a Syrian, discussing with the residents of a village in the Damascus Ghouta, encouraging them to fight off “Jaish al Islam” factions.

This named “Ordoni” (Meaning: Jordanian), whose real name I do not know, is a mental and psychological retard, and has not a single clue on what a democratic revolution means, and cannot even begin to fathom the values that comprised the spirit of the first peaceful movement in Daraa, which spread across the rest of Syria’s cities and governorates!

Of course, this is not in defence of “Jaish al Islam”; I do not know who is indeed in the right, nor do I care. I also believe that the totality of these factions, from Jaish al Islam, Rahman, Fastat, or any other faction; have altered the values of the revolution and its meaning. And the product is not neither revolution, nor revolutionary. Its serves not the original purpose of the popular Syrian revolution.

Listening to the discussion with the “Jordanian”; the other side seemingly much more realistic and rational than he ever will be, I felt grief and sorrow for the great sacrifice brought forth by the people of Ghouta and those who gave their lives to the revolution; the youth yearning to be free; all that turning into this inner warring among themselves —armed factions— in the stead of facing up to the Syrian Army and their advancements into now southern territories of the front. They dedicate so much to fight each other off.

In other records, you come across other Jordanians holding authoritative powers in Nusra, in the Damascus countryside, like Abu Khadija and Abul Walid, among others, telling Syrians what is demanded of them, as well as how they live their lives!

This problem is not exclusive to Ghouta, to be clear and frank! Idlib has become more of an emirate for “Jaish al Fat-h”, that is Nusra and “Ahrar al Sham”; they —regardless of their categorisation regionally and internationally— do not represent the Syrian revolution or its goals, and it serves only the establishment of a fanatical Islamic State, mindful —of course— of the difference between Ahrar and Nusra.

In Raqqa, and the Deir ez-Zor, Homs, and Aleppo countryside, resides “Daesh”, what a spectacle “Daesh” is! And in parts of the Aleppo countryside and the city; there holds the Levant Front and other more moderate factions, but less powerful and able to sustain.

Perhaps the only place in Syria with a reasonable presence of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) is the Daraa province, but the front there is also conflicted.

Obviously, the first and foremost responsible for the rise of extremism and fanaticism in Syria, along with these factions, is the Syrian regime, with their bloody policies from the very start, bringing about radical errs times after time, giving surge to suicidal strides in face of death, reinforcing the prospected propositions of these factions, as opposed to the real, actual demands of the Syrian revolution.

During the recent truce, when the fighting receded, peaceful marches resurfaces, and the true voice of the revolution resounded. This voice was oppressed and suppressed by the Nusra front, as well as the Syrian regime. None of the two is better for Syria than the other.

The fanatics want to turn Syria into an Afghanistan of war lords, back to the middle ages. And the proponent; the Syrian regime, no longer exists, as they are now integrated with Iran and the Faqih governance!

The resurgence of peaceful march in Syria provided blinding evidence to the fact that these factions, and the discourses that emerged with them, are bound to war, the crimes of the regime, and retaliation for them, and would not have been an option, typically, under normal circumstances, for the Syrian people.