The Brotherhood Awaits

By: Mohammad Aburumman

تم نشره في Thu 19 May / May 2016. 10:08 PM
  • Mohammad Aburumman

Authorities just recently locked down the Muslim Brotherhood’s historical quarters in Downtown Amman; another message in an embarrassing time for the Brotherhood, be it their unprecedented illegalisation, for the first time, or their internal crisis.

The Brotherhood avoided showing any signs of defiance of the recent duration, in spite of the series of shutdowns of their quarters, and their confiscation, abiding by the minimal floor lining of conventional opposition. Even the internal elections went smooth. They were more or less acclamations than elections, and the Brotherhood has yet to declare the names of the members of the Shoura (Advisory) Council, pending their fate to be decided by the executive office, regarding their outcome relationship with the State.

There are factions within the mother Brotherhood, and varying opinions on how to address the Government’s recent steps.

The first opinion, or direction for this matter, is comprised by the decision of the Wise-men and the Pigeons (Titles of the internal sub-groups within the Brotherhood: Al-Hokamaa and Al-Hama’im) to stay out of any internal leadership task, despite having decided not to splinter from the Brotherhood; a more or less, freeze-status of their interaction in any internal decision making affair. This current is convinced that the Brotherhood in practically speaking finished, and is currently preparing to announce the project to form a new political party, after most of their members having resigned from the Islamic Action Front. This couples historical leading figures with youths representing an exceptional elite within the Brotherhood, and the Front, formerly.

The special thing about this direction, is that they do not intent to take part in the upcoming elections, and that their popular basis vary across a multitude of different social segments, unlike previous splinters of the organisation. The presence of historical leaders commands this current vast popularity.

The second direction, totally out of context and coverage; is the depoliticised sub-group, which is one of the driving factors leading the Brotherhood’s current situation, containing Brotherhood leaders, and most of those of the Front. This direction addresses the current historical interval in the Brotherhood’s existence as if it were a natural dilemma, and a bi-product, as well as indicator, to the righteousness and healthiness of the missionary role of the Brotherhood, and their credibility. This direction does not mind secret activity, nor boycotting the parliamentary representative elections, and is betting that the crisis of the State would eventually converge to the interests of the opposition.

The third direction, is that widespread among the youth generation within the Brotherhood and Party, in confliction with the Hama’im earlier, but nonetheless is fully aware now that the Brotherhood is undergoing a historic dilemma beyond the internal framework and the relationship with the State, to a regional, even international, dimention.

There indications that this direction does not mind turning to the Islamic Action Front, to redefine the Brotherhood’s role within the contexts of its spiritual, missionary task. This direction also realises that participating in the upcoming elections would take the Front out of its current confinement to retain its legal and political existence and role.

Above all that, there is a realisation within this particular current that the accounts of the “Arab Spring”, betting on the Egyptian scenario, is no longer feasible, and that it is necessary to find options suitable to the current stage, develop the Party ideologically, and look out for new progress and successful experiments in Tunisia and Morocco, after having spent ages confined to the definitives of the Egyptian discourse.

This current, however, does not speak of its thoughts and opinions, out fear of paying a high price, should the Party be pushed towards participating, and the 2007 scenario was to reoccur, forfeiting everything, save for a few uninfluential MPs, with the rest delivered to the other Islamic side, albeit Zamzam, the Islamic Centre Party, or both.

The Islamic Action Front still, up until this day, represents a vast segment of society, particularly in the major cities, in spite of the splintering and crises. They are holding for clearer messages from the State regarding its intents towards the Party, on whether or not they want the Front’s participation, instead of shunning them out.

Should there really be reformist parliamentary intents, to diversify the next House of Representative, and develop political life in Jordan, then a conversation with the Islamic Action Front would serve as a clear indicator to that!

Comment